Submitted Ask
Hi, I’m looking for info on aboriginal Australian mythology, specially Maori. I’m not sure if you can answer my question though because it also involves aboriginal Taiwanese. You see, they actually share the same roots, supported by DNA, and also I’ve noticed some similarities in culture and language. However, it seems that the mythology is vastly different. I mean, the only similarities could be snake being creators. But there’s not a bit similarity in the myths or anything else. Especially Dreamtime. There’s not a thing in any way similar in Taiwan. My real question though, is where these myths actually come from, where are the origins, how they got spread around, perhaps who and when they got interpreted, and obviously how could it be so vastly different. I’m not sure what I’m looking for but it’s certainly confusing.
So you sparked quite the debate among us all and we ended up with two distinct opinions based on two modes of research. So, for your viewing pleasure, here are both opinions and all of the facts those opinions are based on:
Not quite. Aboriginal Australian cultures and Polynesian cultures had no confirmed direct contact prior to British colonisation, so you’re not going to find a link to the Dreamtime stories (and I’d advise you be careful with them anyway, see our post here). I think your confusion might have come from the name of the Austronesian language family, which includes Taiwanese Aboriginal languages and Polynesian languages like Māori. While Australian and New Guinean languages aren’t included, the languages of most of Indonesia and Malaysia are, as are Cham and Malagasy, the national language of Madagascar.
You may also be confused by the Austroasiatic family, which is also unrelated to Austronesian, though it does share areal features with West-Malayo-Polynesian languages like Bahasa Malayu and Javanese, and with Cham (Chamic subfamily) due to long contact.
Add to that, the Austronesian cultures in Indonesia/Malaysia/Vietnam have been heavily influenced by Hindu mythology, which makes it harder to see the links between the beliefs of Taiwanese Aborigines (and Filipinos) and the peoples of Polynesia.
Hello! My apologies for the delay and thank you for your patience; I hope that the following answers at least some of your questions.
Your mention of a genetic relationship between the Māori, Australian Aborigines, and the Taiwanese Aborigines was so interesting that I immediately had to go see for myself where these relationships might lay.
For those that might be new to the topic, Taiwan is an island state in East Asia, neighboring Japan, the People’s Republic of China, and the Philippines (Wikipedia, Taiwan, 2018). There’s a theory of human migration called the “Out of Taiwan Model” (Wikipedia, Austronesian peoples, 2018), which posits that the Austronesian homeland was Taiwan, joined by similarities in culture and language, as well as a shared ancestry in the native people of Taiwan.
One of the groups that is included in the Austronesian people is the Māori, and the Out of Taiwan Model supports the relationship between the Māori and the Taiwanese Aborigines. There is some doubt about the evidence presented by the relevant linguistic and archaeological fields, with one paper saying that genetic evidence speaks neither for nor against a genetic relationship for the Out of Taiwan Model due to issues in handling and interpretation of data, especially in light of the apparent over-reliance of the linguistics and archaeology fields to confirm each other’s hypotheses with their own issues in data collection and assimilation (Lee, 2012).
However, there have been multiple instances of further investigation into genetic testing done to try and form a more unified theory of how the Austronesian people might be related. One study found that the Y-chromosome haplotype DNA (paternal line) has Melanesian origins and that the mtDNA (AKA mitochondrial DNA, maternal line) has influence from Taiwanese genetic strains (Pagulayan, n.d.).
A Māori-Malay connection was further strengthened during an analysis of genetic data by Geoffrey K. Chambers and Hisham A. Edinur during their own study of genetic relations of the Austronesian peoples (Chambers & Edinur, 2013). The asymmetry between the paternal and maternal lines exhibit a gender biased geneflow, as well as the settling of the Polynesian islands likely being planned (Chambers & Edinur, 2013). The Out of Taiwan theory settles into the more likely idea that it was part of one of a few waves of migration that impacted the spread of the Austronesian peoples, where for the Māori the mtDNA can be traced back in a somewhat circuitous route via the Melanesians to the Taiwanese Aborigines, and the Y-chromosomes indicate a paternal ancestry to Papua New Guinea (Chambers & Edinur, 2013).
What is more difficult to discern is the possible relationship between the Taiwanese Aborigines and the Australian Aborigines. There has been little genetic testing done on the Australian Aborigines, for a variety of reasons, but a genome-wide association study done on the Aborigine population of Riverine area of western New South Wales reveals a common ancestor with the Papuan New Guineans and the Melanesians (McEvoy & al., 2010). The Australian Aborigines may fit into the migrational picture by being one of the first waves of migration (Rasmussen & Willerslev, 2012), and given their subsequent isolation on the Australian continent, it would make sense that their relation to the Austronesians is at first glance very distant.
So – yes, the Taiwanese Aborigines and the Māori are definitely related by virtue of both being closely-related Austronesians, and yes, the Australian Aborigines are related to the Austronesians but it’s difficult to acquire consent for genetic testing. Which means technically the Māori and the Australian Aborigines are related, but just distantly enough to cause doubt in the uninformed.
Mythology is, unfortunately, not always a very good indicator of blood relation between groups of people. As a part of culture, it is often changed to accommodate the demands of changing times and geographic areas – what is important to learn in one environment might be unnecessary to know in another. With Dreamtime, however, you’re in luck! I just recently bought a book on the history of shamanism (The Shamanism Bible: The definitive guide to Shamanic thought and practice by John Matthews), and many concepts and practices about Dreamtime are similar enough that it’s been included in the book.
Aboriginal Taiwanese culture was difficult to find information on, especially in a mythological or even shamanistic context, so I’ll start with Dreamtime and its similarities to other Austronesian practices first.
“The central aspect that informs every aspect of life among the Outback Peoples is the Dreamtime. This is both a period of time conceived of as existing before the creation of human beings, and a kind of parallel world that still exists and is inhabited by spirits and ancestors. It is to this world that all shamans journey in search of knowledge and power.
According to the teachings of the Aborigines, the Dreamtime began when infinite space was penetrated by great powers, who literally dreamt the universe into being. These beings, whose powers are limitless, are the great ancestors of humanity, and their dreams formed the world as we know it.”
- Pages 138-139 (Matthews, 2017)
Being able to communicate with spirits, ancestors, and other deceased individuals is known as mediumship (Wikipedia, Mediumship, 2018), and the practice of it can manifest in a variety of different ways depending on the culture.
The Australian Aborigine shamans carry the Atnongara Stones, which represent non-physical stones that a shaman can insert and remove from a person’s body at will, and can also be used to heal a patient from diseases or sorcery – this practice is similar to the Māori tohunga. The tohunga have a stone, called the whatu, which was considered the source of their power, ostensibly inherited from a line of their predecessors so long and consistently it was rumored in some myths that the whatu were from the gods themselves in the beginning of time.
The whatu could be used to heal illnesses, but when there were no obvious physical causes, it was called mate atua, or Disease of the Gods. The tohunga had a variety of means to heal mate atua, ranging from using the whatu to reading dreams of the patient and their family, even performing incantations (karakia) or working with the head of the patient’s family to address the spirit making the patient sick.
From Papua New Guinea, the Glass Men (or Secret-Sacred Men) did much of their work at night, flying into their dreams to find healing or information. They, like the tohunga, could use incantations to compel spirits to flee their patients. In a similar vein to the Australian Aborigines, the Glass Men could communicate with the spirits in stones – as well as other objects, and believed that part of the soul could venture out of the body through dream states.
Unidentifiable pains in the body were imagined to be stones or spearheads, and that they could remove these non-physical objects at will by communication with a sprite, who then becomes a friend of the sprites. This shares a resemblance with how the shamans of Australia could use the Atnongara Stones to heal.
While many societies may have a term for the time-before-people, the idea that there is a parallel world in which spirits of any sort live and can be visited by a properly trained and skilled individual (usually a shaman) unites the Australian Aborigines, the Māori, and the Papua New Guineans.
This is also true for the Taiwanese, and is a core concept of their own practice of shamanism, many aspects of which are shared with not only China but the rest of Eastern Asia.
Most of the information I have found on Taiwanese shamanism comes from the Chinese wu (Wikipedia, Wu (shaman) - Modern Wu, 2018). The wu – a term used both generally and to apply strictly to women (the men being called xi) were to keep the balance between the realm of earth, with its laws of man and nature, and the realm of heaven, with its laws of spirits, by being the appointed people to carry out spiritual tasks on behalf of the community and communing with the spirits (Matthews, 2017).
In Taiwan, there are Ji Tong (乩童), and in contrast to wu allow themselves to be controlled by a god or other spirit, instead of a wu’s control of the situation (Wikipedia, Tongji (spirit medium), 2018). Ji Tong are now apparently rare enough that one photographer that had been living in Taiwan had only seen their first Ji Tong event after living there for eight years (Wade, 2013). Usually the Ji Tong have specific gods that speak through them, and self-flagellate as a way to prove that a god is inhabiting their body; their chosen god is the primary entity for whom they act as a medium for helping to answer people’s questions, though often they can also communicate with different gods or ghosts of the deceased to help aid others in their troubles (Wade, 2013).
None of this above, really, is about the mythology of any of these peoples, but they illustrate a crucial detail – their mythologies are different because the cultures are different, and there are many influences on how a culture is shaped and maintained. Terence C. Russell describes it best when going over the mythology and literature of the Taiwanese Aborigines (Russell, 2009):
“Myths and legends are the reflection of a people’s historical experience. They seldom constitute organized historical narratives in the manner of many literate cultures, but they are history nonetheless, in function if not form.”
The people of Taiwan, New Zealand, and Australia do not share the same history despite sharing a genetic relationship – thus, they do not share the same mythology. This was all the information I could find for you, but if there is something in particular you would like to know about the mythologies of any of these cultures, please feel free to come back and ask.
Works Cited (Under Keep Reading Line)